The Catalan psycho-republic and the road to the Quebec referendum

When last week I heard Aragonés vindicate a “clarity law like the one in Canada” so that Catalonia could achieve its “long-awaited” and “legitimate” independence, I remembered an article I published in ABC back in 2001, which was titled psychodeterminationand that he was referring to the PNV’s mania for taking out to walk the mummy of self-determination. I compared that nationalist paraphernalia with the sick obsession of Norman Bates in Psychosis, which led him to go up to the attic again and again to take the mother-mummy out in procession. The first conclusion, then and now, is that there is no business that a mummy can endure in the attic; and even less if she has a son who walks her.

But Aragonés’s speech -in that plenary session in which the funniest thing is that some of the bearers who carry the mummy of the Catalan psycho-republic have rebelled against him- has not limited himself to reaffirming his commitment to return to get the mummy out of the closet. The first coup attempt of his failed and once Pedro Sanchez Castejon -that impostor who presides over the Government of Spain- has released the thieves and rioters who perpetrated it from prison, Aragonés defended the “legal framework” with which he intends to break the unity of the Spanish nation.

It is not the first time that Catalan nationalists –like the Basques once- have appealed to the Quebec model to claim independence for Euskadi or Catalonia. Nor are the nationalists the only ones who have “argued” in favor of a unique model for the territory that suffers from the secessionist impulse. In 2017 it was Francesc de Carreras -eternal ideologue of Ciudadanos- who, together with other illustrious professors, signed a proposal to reform the EC that proposed a new additional provision to recognize Catalonia’s “uniqueness”, a concept widely used by independentists and/or self-conscious as a magic recipe to face the Catalan crisis: “…a reform process of the territorial model can address three issues in relation to Catalonia: the recognition of its singularity, the recovery of the statutory contents deactivated by the ruling on the Statute and the referral to the Statute of those identity aspects or institutional or territorial organization that only affect that territory and not the rest…”.

The proposal to reform the Constitution, far from ending the additional provisions that the 1978 Constitution established for Navarra and the Basque Country, added a new holder of privileges, Catalonia. But the biggest trap is that it proposed that this singularity be established via an additional provision, that is, robbing us Spaniards of our right to decide by voting on that constitutional change in a referendum. And it is that the additional provisions do not require a referendum to be incorporated into the Constitution, the absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies serves.

If these constitutional experts chose that path It was precisely because they know that we Spaniards would not agree that a new Constitution would serve to deepen inequality between citizens while there would be a parliamentary majority willing to pay the toll to the independentistas. Those who hold similar positions from different ideological or political fronts deliberately ignore that the only singularity that Catalonia has with respect to other regions of Spain, language, is already recognized in the constitutional text. And if they hide it, it is because the singularity that they intend to recognize in Catalonia “to overcome the situation” is nothing more than a privilege and a way to reward both the politicians who have perpetrated a coup against democracy and those who gave them amnesty.

The Quebecois road it has also been defended by socialists. Iceta did it in 2016, when he was the first secretary of the PSC, and in 2018 it was Pedro Sánchez who, on a trip to Canada, praised him, emphasizing that “from politics you can find solutions to a secessionist crisis…”. Those who defend the quebec road –whether they are Aragonés, Pedro Sánchez, Carreras or any columnist in the public or concerted press who writes or speaks at the service of those who pay them…- they lie about the substance of the matter by homologating radically different political realities. The quebec model not applicable in Spain. Stephane Dion, the father of the clarity law, explained it in Bilbao in 2003. “We needed a clarity law because our Constitution does not have an article 2 like yours.” Article 2: “The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards, and recognizes and guarantees the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions that comprise it and the solidarity between all of them” .

Since they appeal to clarity, we are going to make everything clear. Quebec or Scotland (another common reference for Spanish nationalists/secessionists) do not serve as a model for Spain or for any of the territories that comprise it. Dion himself explained it to the journalist who in 2017 questioned him about it from the pages of The country: “Scotland and Quebec are two exceptions”. Article 2 of its Constitution, which determines the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, is nothing exceptional; what is exceptional are the cases of Canada and the United Kingdom”. And he insisted: “Being a citizen is a right transferable to your children. That is the democratic interpretation of article 2 of the Spanish Constitution. And it is the reason why so many countries are democratic and indivisible, including the new democracies, which after years under the communist empire, the first thing they included in their constitutions was that their country was indivisible.

Of course, if those who defend a law similar to the Canadian one for Spain would bother to read the content of the Law of Clarity I’m sure the excitement was gone. Because, succinctly, what the law determines is: that it will be the House of Commons (our Congress of Deputies) who will approve the text of the question and decide if it is clear and can be formulated in a referendum; that the Government of Canada will refrain from entering into negotiations on the conditions under which a province could secede from Canada because ambiguous questions do not lead to negotiation; and that Canadian provinces lack the power to secede from Canada, so the secession of any province would require amending the Canadian Constitution, which, in turn, would require negotiations involving at least the governments of all provinces as well as the Government of Canada.

In other words, those who ask for a law of clarity for Catalonia are proposing to repeal article 2 of our Constitution, since if this did not exist, the referendum for the rupture should not be voted on by all Spaniards. Once again, they are trying to deceive us by calling things by the names they are not and calling clarity what is nothing other than renouncing the unity of the Spanish Nation.
And to end this article, allow me a wake-up call. It is highly worrying that the response given by Sánchez to Aragonés’ latest diatribe has been to affirm that they are willing to “reread” the Statute that the TC declared unconstitutional. They will see how the socialists dust off the Carreras proposal to de facto repeal article 2 of the EC using the anti-system majority that the Congress of Deputies has and with the complicity of a TC that they are about to absolutely parasitize. At the time

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